The Cabinet of Northern Ireland in 1921. From left to right, Dawson Bates, Marquess of Londonderry, James Craig, H. M. Pollock, E. M. Archdale, J. M. Andrews. Illustrated London News, 9 July 1921.
“In Northern Ireland we claim that we have the biggest shipyard, the biggest ropeworks, the biggest linen manufacturers and the biggest tobacco factory in the world. I am afraid there is one other factory in which we could probably claim that we or the Free State are the largest manufacturers – namely the factory of grievances…” – Sir Wilfred Spender, December 1939
The concept of civil rights in Northern Ireland is as old as the state itself. Established in 1921, the new northern government inherited a deeply divided and disadvantaged society, and those problems only deepened under its administration across the next half-century.
The Government of Ireland Act 1920, which partitioned the island and legislated for the establishment of the state, prohibited laws that favoured one religion over another. This was as much to placate unionist fears about the treatment of a protestant minority in the south as it was to calm nationalist fears about the treatment of a catholic minority in the north.
Government of Ireland Act, 1920.
North of the new border there were warning signs from the start. James Craig (incoming leader of unionism and Northern Ireland’s first Prime Minister) declared in February 1921 that, “The rights of the minority must be sacred to the majority.”
Meanwhile, the outgoing unionist leader Edward Carson warned of the potential for instability when he advised the new northern government that, “We used to say that we could not trust an Irish parliament in Dublin to do justice to the protestant minority. Let us take care that that reproach can no longer be made against your parliament, and from the outset let them see that the catholic minority have nothing to fear from a protestant majority.”
Sir Edward Carson stood down as the leader of Ulster unionism in February 1921 and warned against the treatment of the catholic minority in the new northern state.
Regardless of these warnings, catholics and nationalists were largely absent from the apparatus which set up the state. In some cases they excluded themselves, and in other cases they were actively excluded. Discrimination against the catholic minority on matters of law and order emerged in this period as a direct result of the violence between 1920 and 1922, though further discriminatory practices in respect of education and representation became an integral part of unionist government policy going forward.
Reflecting on this, the community engagement groups in this project were unanimous in their opinion that “more should have been done” by the state to safeguard the rights of the catholic minority, but also that there was a class dimension which effectively created “third-class citizens” across both communities.
The unequal foundation upon which Northern Ireland was built could not be sustained and it was challenged on a large scale for the first time in the 1960s by the civil rights movement.
Image courtesy of The Linen Hall.
“I remember playing in the street together… then all of a sudden we didn’t.” – Community engagement participant
Despite its structural difficulties, the new state of Northern Ireland continued in relative peace and stability from 1923 until the 1960s.
The 1960s, though, were a period of change both culturally and politically. Beatlemania hit Belfast in 1963 when the Beatles played at the ABC (formerly the Ritz) on Fisherwick Place and the Rolling Stones played a chaotic gig at the Ulster Hall in 1964 where 400 people fainted and 25 were taken to hospital. In the context of the civil rights movement, however, music would go on to be used as a weapon of protest. “We Shall Overcome”, for example, emerged from the civil rights movement in America but was adopted in Northern Ireland as an anthem which offered the potential for a common chorus.
Terence O’Neill, a liberal unionist, became the fourth Prime Minister of Northern Ireland in 1963 and with him came the potential for a positive new era as he demonstrated a genuine commitment to repair societal divisions and disadvantage.
The issue of ongoing discrimination against the catholic minority was being amplified by the Campaign for Social Justice (CSJ) who began to systematically document allegations relating to electoral practices, employment, housing, and policing.
Event pamphlet reflecting the type of community conversations occurring in the 1960s. (Corrymeela Community archive, The Linen Hall)
Formed in Dungannon by Patricia and Conn McCluskey, the CSJ was one of the earliest civil rights groups to emerge in Northern Ireland. CSJ publications such as The Plain Truth were crucial in documenting and disseminating statistics that supported the allegations of discriminatory practices.
By 1967 several Belfast-based meetings exploring the possibility of reform had culminated in the establishment of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). In its earliest form, NICRA was comprised of nationalists, liberal unionists, trade unionists and other sympathetic parties. The formation of NICRA marked the formal beginning of the civil rights campaign. It ushered in a new era for Northern Ireland, albeit a turbulent one.
People’s Democracy poster reflecting the importance of music in the early stages of the civil rights movement. (People’s Democracy archive, The Linen Hall)
Example of a protest sticker used by People’s Democracy. (People’s Democracy archive, The Linen Hall)
“The aim of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association shall be to assist in the maintenance of civil liberties, including freedom of speech, propaganda and assembly. The Association shall advance measures for the recovery and enlargement of such liberties and shall take steps as the Association deem necessary to that end.” – Constitution and rules of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, 1967
In January 1967, at Belfast’s International Hotel, the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) elected a 13-person steering committee and 5 broad objectives were issued to the press:
NICRA leaflet, 1967. (Northern Ireland Political Collection, The Linen Hall)
Examples of protest stickers used by People’s Democracy. (People’s Democracy archive, The Linen Hall)
These 5 objectives became the lynchpin of the civil rights movement; contained within, however, were more specific demands which divided opinion.
Among these demands was the campaign for “one-man-one-vote” in local government elections to replace the antiquated businessmen’s and ratepayer’s franchise which favoured the better-off in society who tended to be protestant, though the issue was complex. Protestants argued that catholic businessmen also benefited from an outdated system which meant that both protestants and catholics of lower classes were restricted in their desire to vote.
Other demands included the reversal of gerrymandered local-government boundaries which ensured the unionist domination of many council areas. In Londonderry County Borough in 1967, for example, 14,429 catholic voters (62 per cent of the total) out of 23,210 were able to elect only 8 non-unionist councillors out of a total of 20 for the corporation.
The discriminatory allocation of public housing was another key grievance. In Dungannon, for example, an area with a catholic majority, the local unionist council had allocated nearly three-quarters of the publicly built housing to protestants between 1945 and 1968. It was no coincidence, therefore, that Northern Ireland’s first civil rights march was held in the Dungannon area in August 1968.
Image courtesy of the Trustees of the Buzz Logan Photographic Archive at The Linen Hall.
A “watershed in the political life of Northern Ireland” after which there were to be no more “shades of grey”. – Seamus Heaney on the events surrounding the NICRA march of October 1968
By 1968 the campaign for civil rights in Northern Ireland had moved onto the streets. It was a deliberate decision, inspired in part by global events, particularly the civil rights movement in America. Guided by their 5 broad objectives, NICRA’s decision to march was made despite government bans on marches by other organisations, such as a republican Easter parade in Armagh in April 1968. Street politics had typically been the preserve of loyalist and republican marches up to this point, and they might be regarded as a physical manifestation of Northern Ireland politics. From August 1968, however, the landscape would change.
Leaflet produced by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association in America. (Northern Ireland Political Collection, The Linen Hall)
The first civil rights march, held in the Dungannon area on 24 August 1968, passed off peacefully.
The second major demonstration, held in Derry/Londonderry on 5 October 1968, was confronted by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) after 2,000 marchers defied a Stormont ban. This march ended in violence as marchers clashed with police. Footage which captured the heavy-handed police reaction was broadcast into the homes of thousands of people who were able to sympathise with the sense of injustice.
It was the first of many “watershed” moments over the next 30 years. Further demonstrations in the autumn followed a similar pattern, however the 2,000 marchers in October had turned into 20,000 by November. The ranks were increasingly swelled by liberal and radical students from Queen’s University Belfast who were attracted by the idealism of the cause and the opportunity it presented for the exploration of “real” politics. They formed an organisation of their own called People’s Democracy.
An early People’s Democracy poster from 1968. (People’s Democracy archive, The Linen Hall)
In January 1969, People’s Democracy organised a march from Belfast to Derry/Londonderry. A few miles short of its destination a mob of 300 loyalists ambushed the march at Burntollet.
The incident was another turning-point according to Vinny McCormick who took part in the march and reflected on the 50th anniversary: “Not because the march had been attacked, because in some ways that was to be expected, but because the forces of law and order colluded entirely in that attack from beginning to end, and there were no consequences, no accountability.”
Civil Rights Graffiti. Image courtesy of the Gérard Harlay archive, The Linen Hall.
“Ulster stands at the crossroads. I believe you know me well enough by now to appreciate that I am not a man given to extravagant language. But I must say to you this evening that our conduct over the coming days and weeks will decide our future.” – Terence O’Neill, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, 5 December 1968
Terence O’Neill delivered his famous “Ulster at the crossroads” speech in December 1968 though it appeared from the events at Burntollet in January 1969 that people remained committed to the paths they had chosen.
Now faced with the apparently unstoppable escalation of violence, O’Neill announced a package of reforms which, to a large extent, did meet the original demands of NICRA. However, in attempting to force through his programme of reform, O’Neill’s measures were perceived by some as concessions and weakness; he lost four cabinet minsters who resigned in protest. In many ways the reforms were too little too late. Derry/Londonderry was already engulfed in serious rioting, and father-of-ten Samuel Devenney had died after he was badly beaten by the RUC.
Further battlelines were drawn during the elections and by-elections of early 1969 when O’Neill’s majority was weakened at the expense of Paisleyite unionism. The old Nationalist Party was also weakened at the expense of emerging and dynamic civil rights activists such as John Hume. Within a few months Terence O’Neill’s diminished support led to his resignation and the election of Ian Paisley in his place.
Community groups who were engaged in this project were critical of Paisley and his politics for deepening division. One participant commented that “social media (today) is the new Ian Paisley.”
This change in the political landscape set the tone for action and reaction to social change for a generation in Northern Ireland.
John Hume came to prominence as an activist and political representative during the campaign for civil rights. (Northern Ireland Political Collection, The Linen Hall)
Ian Paisley was elected in place of Terence O’Neill in the Bannside constituency during a by-election in 1970. (Northern Ireland Political Collection, The Linen Hall)
A community engagement workshop held at The Linen Hall.
“Poverty, access to resources and opportunities in working-class areas is as bad as it was then…” – Community engagement participant
Some of the matters which fuelled the civil rights movement of the 1960s were the subject of reform in the late 1960s and early 1970s, for example changes to the law governing local government elections. These reforms ended the potential for malpractice.
Progress continued to be made during the 1970s and 1980s with social housing reforms and with Fair Employment legislation. In the 1990s the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement provided several important civil rights solutions and protections including the creation of the Equality Commission to combat discrimination and to promote equality of opportunity.
A selection of leaflets reflecting the introduction of Equal Opportunities legislation in the 1970s. (Northern Ireland Political Collection, The Linen Hall)
As part of this project, The Linen Hall welcomed a range of community organisations and groups to take part in engagement sessions which explored our archives and the theme of civil rights “then” and “now”. Discussion and responses to questions about the idea of civil rights “now” were enlightening and raised many issues – some new and some long-standing but still unresolved – which informed the content of this exhibition.
